By Saswat Pattanayak
Vande Mataram debate has almost
engulfed India these days. I would not claim it to be
entirely of no consequence. And those who say that
people should be left to sing what they want to, in
the tradition of liberal democracy, in my view again,
are continuing to enjoy a Hindu privilege. If for a
moment, they would imagine how it feels to be member
of a minority group being subjected to a song that
was targeted against them, most of us would clearly
understand the inherent pain. Muslims in India have
been told from the beginning that they are citizens
of a secular country, and it is the responsibility of
the Hindu majority to live upto that expectation.
There must not be any confusion in this regard.
Furthermore, some of my beloved readers of this blog
have vociferously attacked the communalism in Islam,
and in fact to that extent shown solidarity with
Bankim Chandra, the poet of Vande Mataram, who also
happens to be the founding father of modern Bengali
literature.
I am not surprised at the way both perceptions have
been intertwined. However, I shall like to dispel
some myths about the dismissal of Islam as a communal
or fanatical religion, as many in the Hindutva
brigade would like to portray it and influence some
of us in that process in their abominable quest to
establish a “Hindu Rashta”. Some even bring to
question the credibility of Mohd. Iqbal who penned
down “Sare Jahan se Achha” and compared it with
“Vande Mataram”, which I think is a valid comparison,
but a grossly non-issue, this time. I will attempt to
make some clarifications within the limits of a
weblog:
Vande Mataram vs Sare Jahan se
Achha:
Let there be no doubt that the origins of the
writings and the world-views of the authors are
important in understanding the significance of any
work. However, even while doing so, one should always
keep in mind the socio-political context in which the
works have been authored.
I have elaborated on Vande Mataram already in a
previous post. The origin of the song was embedded in
the work
“Ananda Matha” which was just like
every other written work of Bankim Chandra, a highly
hindu supremacist literature. It clearly outlined
Bankim’s aversion towards Muslim people and possibly
could have sowed the seed among the Bengali community
to later on engage in the religious animosities that
eventually led to partition of India into two
separate religious regions (East Bengal-Pakistan
region and India).
Sensitizing the Bengali population to become
reactionary elements in that age was the sole aim of
Bankim Chatterjee, and he fairly succeeded in it
(which is why the Hindu hymn became so popular to
begin with). It can be said without a doubt Bankim
was the founding father of reactionary Bengali
literature and unfortunately as it is, quite a
handful of works during that time thrived with feudal
stories and patriarchal protagonists with entire
omission of British misrule, (Sarat Chandra
Chattopadhyay’s stories included) thanks to the
unmistakable popularity of this legendary writer.
Speaking of historical context, Bankim Chatterjee
lived at a time that was not about “Islam invasion”,
that his works were so apprehensive about. It was
rather a time when British people had already invaded
India. The primary enemies of Indian people were the
British colonialists. And yet, Chatterjee was a loyal
civil servant of the British administration, and
worked as a deputy collector. And he was instrumental
in sowing the seeds of two-nation theory through his
works full of hatred for Muslims, who he used to
describe as
“Mlechhas”.
As regards Mohd. Iqbal, who is unfortunately brought
to discussion in the context of Bande Mataram
controversy, one can only say this. Mohd. Iqbal was a
patriot of the highest order whose revolutionary
songs were targeted against the British rule only. He
had no expressed hatred against Hindus, although
looking at growing popularity of Hindutva brigade
within the Congress those days, he had sufficient
reason to turn skeptical. Muslims, Buddhists and
Dalits were among the most oppressed in India, and
yet they were the least represented in the high
echelons of Congress power. Congress was losing its
secular focus with continued tension between Nehru
and Patel. Despite Gandhiji’s reluctance, the Patel
faction was growing in strength also due to the
immense influence the Indian business houses had on
sponsoring Gandhi’s visits and shelters at Ashrams.
In disillusionment, Netaji Subhas also had to quit
Congress. One needs to remember that the hindu
fanatics had taken up so much of political space that
Netaji Subhash was as unsure as Mohd. Iqbal about the
eventual victory of Indians under leadership of mere
religious reformers. Netaji was always known for his
determined effort to persuade people to give up all
their political differences and get united under the
banner of Congress. He has emphatically stated that
Congress was the only platform that needs support
from people all across political spectrum, thus
helping to enlist thousands of communists as well as
receiving communist support to win the presidentship.
However, Netaji was deeply influenced by the Soviet
system of governance, its secularism and collective
ownerships and he wanted to establish India in
similar lines. Except for Nehru, who had himself
visited Soviet Union and was a pronounced supporter
of Marxist philosophy, Netaji could not gather
support from any other major leader, finally leading
to his quitting the party and forming an alternative
Left organization.
It was during these times that Mohd. Iqbal also went
through transformation as he was witnessing how the
power structure of Congress was slipping into the
hands of Hindu fundamentalists. He used to be a
teacher in Philosophy after completing MA from Lahore
University. During the college days, his radical
poetry to destabilize the British rule with united
efforts from Hindus and Muslims were inflammatory
enough. At the same time, while on a short visit to
London, Iqbal became conscious of the international
Islamic revolutions against the European colonial
powers, and his alignment towards Islamists became
sharper. India was not merely struggling for
independence from British during those days, one also
needs to remember that some Hindu supremacists within
the Congress were making clear their intent to get
rid of Urdu as the lingua franca (which it was till
that period), and to declare a Hindustan where
Muslims would be tokenly represented as was the
trend. Hindu leaders like Rajendra Prasad,
Radhakrishnan, Sardar Patel were rabidly pursuing
Hindu scholarships. And Gandhi himself was trying to
adjust to Hinduism demands by “reforming” the
religion, not condemning it. Clearly the country was
about to be divided, just like Bankim Chatterjee had
envisaged, the question was regarding when.
Bankim and Iqbal: Dichotomies
Again unlike Bankim Chatterjee who preached religious
violence based on Militant Hinduism, Mohd Iqbal was
deeply secular despite being a Muslim. And this is
why there were attempts to caste aspersions on his
popularity. Iqbal’s poetry were nationally sung and
were widely popular (interestingly, it became popular
even on the space when Rakesh Sharma made India proud
by saying he saw “
Sare Jahan Se Achha” from
above when asked by Indira Gandhi about what India
looked like to him while he was on the Soviet space
expedition). Iqbal’s poetry was in Urdu, as opposed
to Sanskrit, and that was a great dichotomy already.
He was a Muslim revolutionary writing about the poor
and the oppressed people of India grounded on realism
of political economy. Chatterjee was a Hindu Brahmin
reactionary who was writing about glorification of
one-nation of Hindu India that was conditional upon
annihilation of the Muslims. Whereas Chatterjee was
preaching that deaths of Muslims were inevitable for
India to be a proud nation, Iqbal was writing:
“Gurbat mein ho agar hum, rehta hai dil watan
mein
Samjho wohi humein bhi, dil mein jahna hamara
Majhab nahni sikhata, aapas mein bair rakhna
Hindi hain hum, watan hain Hindustan humara”
(roughly translated it means: We are where our hearts
are, and even when we reside abroad, our hearts live
in our land. Thus artificial borders cannot separate
our patriotic feelings. What of the religions? Our
religions do not teach us to create enemies among
each other. We are the people from the land of the
Hind and shall remain thus despite religions and
artificial borders.)
This was the great radical poet Mohd. Iqbal who wrote
this
“Taraana-e-Watan” among other brilliant
works where he always stressed on Hindu-Muslim unity
that was needed to overthrow the British rulers.
Sadly, the country was so taken hostage by the Hindu
supremacists that they did everything possible to
highlight Bankim Chatterjee’s conservative anti-Islam
works while they continued to demean Mohd Iqbal. Any
serious reader of progressive literature would be
able to fathom the length at which Iqbal was
subsequently saddened by the way his hopes for a
united India was being shattered through the
aspirations of the growing Hindu militancy even
within the rank and file of the mainstream Congress.
I am reproducing a rare poem of Mohd Iqbal written to
his beloved son, where he is asking his child to
treat poverty as an asset, and not a weakness. Living
the life of the oppressed calls for revolution
against the foreign invaders, he declares. He directs
his son to recognize that Mother Nature (interesting
because its not a similar portrayal like Goddess
Durga) has gifted a heart to him that must be used to
appreciate the diversity of flowers (his stress on
‘Gul’ is consistently present in most of his poems,
including another poem by the name ‘Gul Hai to
Gulistan ho’. Also interesting, considering that
flowers have universal appeal unlike nation-state
names). Iqbal asks his son to dedicate life towards
serving the poor and the oppressed in a colonial
India and not get disheartened by inherent
limitations.
“Do not be a sell-out; Make a name
amidst poverty!”
“Garibi mein Naam Paida Kar”
Dayare-Ishq mein apna muqaam paida kar
Naya Zamaana naye subh-o-shaam paida kar
Khuda agar dil-e-fitrat-shanaas de tujhko
Sukute-laal-o-gul se kalaam paida kar
Utha na shisha-garane-Firang ke ehsaan
Sifale-hind se mina-o-jaam paida kar
Mein shakhe-taak hnu meri gazal hai mera samar
Mere samar se maya-e-lalafam paida kar
Meri tariq amiri nahni fakiri hain
Khud-i na bech, garibi mein naam paida kar
I could go on quoting from the works of the great
poet who did his best to promote religious harmony in
the country that was facing threats from fanatic
Hindus and insecure Muslims in terms of its future.
And bowing down to the pressure of the Hindu
revivalism that was to sketch a conditional secular
country, Iqbal, like Malcolm X of African-American
struggle, turned more towards recognizing the
religious mainstream than secular alternatives. When
he died in 1937, the entire country mourned the great
loss whose expectations could not be lived upto by
millions of people of the country who were engaged in
falling into the traps of Hindu supremacists’ hatred
towards Muslims as well British endorsement of the
riots. What’s ironic is that Hindu atrocities those
days were only usually tolerated with grief (as
Gandhiji famously used to feel ‘sad’ about the
conditions in a non-violent manner, which later
allowed people like Patel to infiltrate Kashmir with
terrorism), and it was continuation of a tradition.
What’s often missed in the discourse is that most
Muslims actually were converted from Hinduism because
of the atrocities and caste-structures of Hinduism.
Islam, despite its Shia/Sunni divisions never
practiced “untouchability” which was a cornerstone of
Hindu religion, and continues to exist even today in
practice.
Finally, the categorical difference between Iqbal and
Chatterjee was that whereas the former was a die-hard
secular who wanted a “Hindustan” based on religious
harmony, Chatterjee was a Hindu fanatic and British
loyalist who wanted the country to be divided into
two parts. Of course Chatterjee won by design since
that’s also what the British wanted, and later on
towards the late 30’s and early 40’s even the secular
people of India had no other option than to accept
the two-nation theory, simply because in the other
case, there was a clear indication that India would
have been ruled by Hindu Brahmins almost to the
exclusion of Muslim leaders in power sharing. Even
having more Muslim population in India than there is
in Pakistan, today, India continues to oppress
Muslims when it comes to relegating power.
Those who say that Congress is “appeasing” the
minorities are entirely misguided. In fact, Congress,
as much as the BJP, has been appeasing the majority
in all respects, as a result of which the country’s
power equation has fallen in the hands of Hindu
Brahmin Supremacists.
Historical evidences, and why the right-wing
never quite gets it right?
“Battle of
Algiers” is considered to be a landmark in the
history of cinema. And its Italian director Gillo
Pontecorvo (who co-wrote it with the great Franco
Solinas) shot Algeria while the Islamic revolution
was defeating French colonialists in the 60’s. His
extremely sympathetic treatment of cause of the
revolutionaries won him great admiration from the
progressive world, whereas the French were quick to
ban the film in their country.
Encouraged by the response from the world over, he
and his son went ahead to shoot Algeria once again,
this time in the 90’s to get the pulse of the country
under Islamic rule. Surprised as he was, his videos
showed that people just could not tolerate his entry
into the country, simply because he was a European
filmmaker. However, after knowing that this was the
man who had directed “Battle of Algiers”, he was
immediately recognized by the new generation of
people who greeted him, although with a little pinch
of salt.
Seeing the commotion on the streets, a fellow
European journalist asked him the reason behind Islam
being such a violent religion. Such violent was it,
that the Muslims even would not entertain a Marxist
filmmaker like Pontecorvo, just because he was a
European. Since throughout Pontecorvo was sad while
shooting the second film in Algeria (and at some
places children were spitting on his car), I was
anxious to see how Pontecorvo responds to this
stereotyped “European” question.
Pontecorvo, unfazed, replied that Islam was never a
violent religion. Indeed its been violent from phase
to phase since last 200 years only, and that marks
the beginning of European colonization period. It was
only in the manner that the European colonizers
projected an image of the Muslim people as inherently
backward that, they are now facing the wrath of a
reaction (which is an ‘open wound’ still). He said he
is convinced that the women in Algeria are not
oppressed due to their religion, they are oppressed
due to economic sanctions imposed by a group of elite
colonialists who have made wealth by looting the
Muslims during their illegal occupations. As regards
the culture, Islamists were not ‘backward’ and the
women were not ‘humiliated’. When asked why the women
then covered themselves up in such primitive manner,
Pontecorvo quoted a female Muslim doctor who said
that burka is actually one of the most liberal outfit
a woman can wear. It reveals the least and that’s why
it makes the woman sexier. The point is to also see
the perspectives of the other culture from different
levels.
This is also a lesson one can get from the various
radical postcolonial studies about how the Islam was
never a regressive or oppressive religion in
comparison to any other (every religion thrives on
codes that are equally repressive). As in the case of
India, MJ Akbar, the renowned journalist and author,
gives the most comprehensive account about Muslim
Rule in his book
“Kashmir: Behind the Vale”.
He cites how Saiyyid Bilal Shah (called with love as
Bulbul Shah) introduced Islam with love and
compassion. That was a time when Kashmir was being
ruled by Hindu King Sahadeva. Owing to Bulbul Shah’s
immense popularity, there was great support for him,
and consequently the King had befriended him in order
to carry on the rule. In fact by the time Bulbul Shah
passed away in 1327, the king, king’s brother and
commander-in-chief of the army were all converted to
Islam! The converted king had even constructed Bulbul
Langar in Srinagar.
Two things can be noticed here. One, that the King
was himself a convert, naturally a voluntary one. And
there were many Hindus, predominantly lower castes,
but also quite many Kashmiri Pundits themselves, who
were horribly disenchanted by Hinduism’s orthodoxy
and voluntarily converted themselves. In fact, works
by Mulla Ahmed, the first Sheikh-ul-Islam, such as
“Fatwa-i-Shihabi”, and “Shihab-i-Saqib” were
immensely secular works that held more relevance to
Hindus and Muslims than the epic superstitious
mythologies of Hinduism.
Upon death of mongol expansionist Kublai Khan
(1260-1294), there were huge tribal uprising that led
to death of Beijing’s viceroy Lha-Chen-Dugos Grub.
Tribes attacked the region Sonamarg valley, which was
being ruled by Rama Chandra, who was the prime
minister of King Sahadeva. But Sahadeva did not lend
much support to Rama Chandra during the period of
crisis when tribals attacked the area (in fact
Sahadeva was supportive of the tribals). This
betrayal led to Rama Chandra declaring himself as the
King. As a rather feeble king, Rama Chandra was no
match for Lha-Chen’s son Rinchin who attacked the
king soon after. Rinchin had escaped the border and
aspired to be a king, as much as his friend from Swat
valley Shah Mir. Rinchin with support of Mir took
over the palace. And Rinchin was declared the Lord of
Kasmir on 6 October 1320. Interestingly, Rama
Chandra’s daughter Kota who was in love with Rinchin
much before the attack, quickly declared herself the
queen.
Rinchin’s era is considered to be the golden age in
the history of Kashmir, as Rinchin was a Buddhist and
he wanted to spread peace throughout the region. He
not only married Rama Chandra’s daughter, he also
made Rama Chandra’s sons his prime ministers. But
since Rinchin was a Buddhist, he could not rule over
the state that did not have much Buddhist presence.
Hence he decided to convert to Hinduism and called
for the head priest. And as shocking as it may sound,
the high priests of Hinduism declined to convert him,
since they could not determine what caste in the
hierarchy was King Rinchin!
Since the Brahmin pundits exercised this folly, Shah
Mir found the opportunity to ask his friend to
convert to Islam. Although Rinchin was skeptical, he
soon saw the great Sufi divine Bulbul Shah at a
prayer. Bulbul Shah provided Rinchin what the
Brahmins could not: a casteless religion. Islam had
no caste: it was built on the equality of humans and
faith in the omnipotence of Allah and His last
Messenger, the prophet Muhammad. To become a Muslim,
Rinchin only had to utter the Qalimah:
‘La-e-laha
illallah, Muhammad un-Rasul Allah’.
Rinchin thus became a Muslim, and Islam arrived not
through violent coercion, but through peaceful
understanding of a harmonious religion. Rinchin took
the name Sultan Sadruddin, and built a mosque called
Bodro Masjid. During his friend Shah Mir’s rule as
Sultan Shamsuddin, a dynasty that lasted for 222
years, Islam had become the paramount religion of
Kashmir, but because of its popular success and their
identification with the Kashmiri people. Jonaraja
described this rule:
“This believer in Allah, calm and active,
became the savior of the people and protected the
subjects.”
And throughout, despite the brahminical prejudices
against the converted kings (Hindus and Budhhists who
had turned into Muslims), the Muslim rulers were
always sympathetic towards the high priests. It was
the period when Nand Rishi or Lal Ded and other
religious people flourished. In fact, Abul Fazl wrote
in the
Ain-i-Akbari:
“The most respected people are the Rishis who,
although they do not suffer themselves to be
fettered by traditions, are doubtless the true
worshippers of God. They do not revile any other
sect, nor ask anything of anyone. They plant the
roads with fruit trees to provide the traveler with
refreshments. They abstain from meat and have no
intercourse with the other sex. There are 2000 of
these Rishis in Kashmir.”
Moghul rulers likewise, and especially Akbar, were
aware of the large Hindu population and worked
towards their harmonious living. Firstly, it was the
most practical thing to do, since any alternative
could have called for doom. Tribal populations were
always up in arms against any empire, and it could
become a matter of time before Hindus got
disenchanted and joined the revolution. To that end,
the emperors were forced to be considerate towards
diversity of religions. Needless to point out, just
as characteristic of any empire (just like it is true
in today’s so-called democracies running large
thought controls called mainstream media), there were
state propaganda working those days to lull people to
passivity and relaxation instead of agitated
uprising. And just like today’s cheap slavery and
draconic hours of call centers, people were forced
those days to seek cheap labor in works they had no
interests in. But as evidenced, the secularism during
the Muslim and Moghul periods were quite practiced at
several levels.
“The fusion of Islamic culture with existing Indian
culture achieved the most positive expression in
the activities of the artisan classes of the towns
and amongst the cultivators, as is evident from the
socio-religious ideas of the time, and also in
primarily artisan activities such as building
monuments, the fusion being evident in the
architecture of the period. The pattern of living
in both these classes came to be interrelated to a
far greater degree than amongst the nobility.
Domestic ceremonies and rituals such as those
connected with birth, marriage, and death became
mingled. The converted Muslims were also heirs to
long-standing rituals practiced by the Hindus. New
ceremonies which had come with Islam, and which
were regarded as auspicious, crept into Hindu
ritual.”
(page 300, A History of India, Volume One.
Romila Thapar.)
Upon deconstruction, what it merely suggests is that
Moghul rule created more problems for the upper caste
Hindu feudalists than the working peasants. The
assimilation was seen more among Muslims and the
working poor of India, than between Muslims and the
upper caste people.
Now I will quote from
Orissamatters, authored by SCP, who is an eminent
journalist of Orissa:
“Kalhan’s classic work ‘Rajtarangini’ describes how
the Brahmins conspired against Queen Dida as she
was not patronizing to Brahminism and after her
death, beheaded from behind Sri Tunga, the most
powerful protector of the liberal policies of the
Late Queen.
So ruthlessly the Brahmins known as Kashmir Pundits
imposed their caste supremacy that the people
exploited under caste apartheid jumped into Islam
which was not vitiated by caste system. They not
only became Muslims en masse, but also they became
so with so much revengeful resolution that they
drove away the Pundits from the soil.
The entire land mass that has now become Pakistan
and Bangladesh was the dwelling place of Indians
where our ancient people had established their own
civilization. It is the Brahmins’ supremacist
mentality that has helped Islam to spread in India.
So whosoever has embraced the Muslim religion in
this Sub-Continent is an Indian who has revolted
against Brahminism, against Brahminic caste
apartheid.”
Eminent historian Irfan Habib says that Moghul rulers
had even appointed Brahmins as administrators owing
to their upper caste/class/knowledge backgrounds. And
even in such positions, the Brahmins under the Moghul
rule, did not amend their behavior. As an example, we
shall take the case of ‘Satnamis’, a sect founded in
1657 by a native of Narnaul, who proclaimed himself
to be of the tradition of the great monotheist Kabir,
the weaver. They were opposed tooth and nail by the
banyas and Brahmin caste people, since Satnamis
(worshipper of the True Name or God) comprised people
from sections such as sweepers, carpenters and
tanners. “It was obviously owing to this
contamination from contact with the untouchables that
the sect became particularly hateful in the eyes of
the orthodox,” says Habib.
(Essays in Indian
History, Tulika, New Delhi, 1995).
Isardas Mehta in
“Futuhat-i ‘Alamgiri”
quotes a loyal Hindu official of the Mughal
government describing Satnamis as:
“That community, because of its extreme
dirtiness, is rendered foul, filthy and impure.
Thus in their religion they do not differentiate
between Hindus and Muslims. They eat porks and
other disgusting things. If a dog has eaten from
their bowl, they do not abstain from eating from it
or show any revulsion.”
Thus, even during the Mughal period, the Hindu
supremacists continued to hold sway, even in the face
of definitive secular reigns by Akbar and Aurangzeb.
Unfortunately, they continue to do so even to this
date--to the extent that the stories of forced labor
were exaggerated by the Hindu revisionists, without a
mention of exploitation of workers to build temples.
More than the Hindu kings, it was the Moghul rulers
who played their part in promoting economic parity.
Indeed Sir Walter Lawrence’s works show how in Moghul
periods, women were given six annas a day for
independent sustenance. And in projects involving
large-scale labor, the main gates were written with
inscriptions such as these:
“Na kardeh hech kas beggar anja
Tamame yaftand az makhzanash zar”.
(No one, it proclaims proudly, was shanghaied into
beggar, or forced labor, for this imperial project;
each worker was paid fully for his her
labor.&rdquo
This blog cannot go on in the direction of glorifying
the Moghul rulers. Indeed far from it, this stands to
condemn any of the rules by the kings and emperors,
since none of them established peoples’ democracy.
Also because of the stages of development those days,
such dreams were quite distant. But in view of the
current attack on Islam and an ignorant dismissal of
it as a religion inherently violent, oppressive or
backward, I thought it would serve well to do a small
analysis of the situation using a critical
historiography.
In Conclusion:
The day of patriotic exhibition of India has passed
us by. We can rejoice at its passage. To begin with
2006 is not the centenary of Vande Mataram. It was
used this way solely for sensational purpose. In
addition, even singing of National Anthem Jana Gana
Mana is not compulsory and should not be. Hence Vande
Mataram controversy was furthered solely for the
political purpose. Lastly, Islam is unlike Hinduism.
Just the way Hindu preachers know that Hinduism is an
organically developed national religion that has
always stayed inside India due to its exclusionary
philosophy that forbids people from joining it (just
like Puri Pandas are absolutely right in not allowing
non-Hindus to enter Jagannath Temple since they know
Hinduism quite well to be discriminatory), Muslims
know it well that Islam is a global religion that is
based upon spreading the word of the last Messenger
of Allah, and hence it does not recognize a
nation-state to be paramount. So certain religious
people condemning certain other religious people
because they think their base of religion is valid
while other bases of other religions are not, amounts
to mere assertion of misconception.
And the way the right wing brigade took advantage of
death of Pramod Mahajan and statue of Bal Thackrey’s
wife to cause unrest in the country, they are now
trying to take advantage of a song-recital drama.
News reports say that their Vande Mataram
demonstrations are causing violence in muslim areas
where the hindu fanatics are having a free hand in
harassing the minorities in India. And this is simply
intolerable and unacceptable, and every patriotic
Indian must rise up against the narrow minded
ignorant bigots of the rightist parties and stop them
from further claiming that they represent us in any
manner whatsoever. Its time for them to either gain
newer knowledge and get rid of their professed
idiocy, or prepare to face the wrath of the oppressed
in coming times when the people of India will no more
merely vote them out of power like a dying party of
losers, but also wipe them off the public platforms
where they stage hypocritical melodramas.
Tags: Saswat, Literature, Islam, Hinduism, Pakistan, India, History